Here it goes again; regime change in Somali Regional State, one of the half dozen over the past decade. Claiming notoriety for such political turmoil, the regional state and a few of its peers among peripheral states in the country could give a lesson or two to the federal government and major power centres in the country about how to topple presidents without spilling blood.

Many outside of the region would not hesitate to call these changes in leadership a “quiet coup d’état.” Understandably, those inside the region would disagree vehemently. In practice, though, presidents of the regional state go as quickly as they come. The moment a political figure is installed in this troubled region, speculation begins over when this person, so far always male, will be going.

Then there is the rush to submit resumes of records in regional politics to powerful figures and powerbrokers in the federal government. Gone appear to be the days when the region had a trusted interlocutor such as the late Abdulmejid Hussein (PhD). He was a man trusted by the authorities in the central government, for he was one of the activists during the student movement that shaped the collective conscience of the current leadership. He was also a native of the region, fluent in Somali, Amharic, and English, and an Ogadenian, a key prerequisite for a successful candidate.

His apparent heir, Mohammed Dirir, the superb minister of Culture and Tourism (MoCT), speaks, rather fluently, seven languages but has not been able to command as much respect with the regional power players as his predecessor did, gossip claims. His credential as an authentic Somali is questioned, although only in whispers. If not for anything else, his comrades in the Somali People’s Democratic Party (SPDP) wonder why he has no nickname as many Somalis do, according to gossip.

In the absence of such interlocutors, the job of fixing what goes wrong in the “lowlands” of the eastern part of the country is left to powerful politicians from the “highlands.” Abay Tsehaye, chairman of the National Security Council (NSC) in the federal government and an advisor to the Prime Minister on security matters, is a key player there. Last week, though, he was accompanied by Addisu Legesse, deputy prime minister, in conducting the most feared gimgema, a political culture within the ruling party of self-incrimination.

The result was the ousting from office of the regional president, Da’uud Mohammed Ali. For those keen on following politics à la carte Somali Regional State, it was not unexpected, claims gossip. Da’uud has been locked up in a bitter power struggle against his political nemesis, Abdi Mohammed Omar, a.k.a. Elmi, chief of the region’s security bureau.

Abdi is now installed, not by the regional legislative body but by the leadership of the SPDP, as the acting president. Whether or not he will be replaced by another figure a few years down the line, as Abdulahi Hassen was two years ago, is not the question. What those in the gossip corridors wonder is if he will be made to hold onto the presidential office beyond his acting role. It appears as if that is what goes on in his thoughts, though. In his text message to the people of the region, he pledged to follow a “bottom-up,” leadership style, which undoubtedly needs more time than he is likely to have.